Forty years of neoliberalism have beaten down and disorganized the US working class. The Bernie Sanders campaign is showing how electoral politics can be used to re-politicize working people — and organize collectively for their class interests.
Chris Maisano is a Jacobin contributing editor and a member of Democratic Socialists of America.
Unions are more popular than ever, but union membership just hit a new low. We need to elect Bernie Sanders, make his “Workplace Democracy Plan” a reality, and encourage a new wave of workplace militancy to stop the decline and end the devastation of working-class communities.
If we want to make Bernie Sanders’s political revolution a reality, we can’t just propose bold policies to make people’s lives better — we have to rebuild popular confidence in the possibilities of politics itself. And we can't rebuild that confidence without democratizing the United States's decidedly undemocratic political institutions.
Research shows that the organized working class, and industrial workers in particular, have been the driving force for democracy around the world. The question is whether the erosion of the industrial working class will weaken our prospects for democratic politics.
The political revolution needs mass protest mobilization. But to be completed, it will also require a radical reconstruction of the United States’ undemocratic political institutions.
After decades of decline, left parties are in the midst of a renaissance. But without a commitment to social roots in the working class, twenty-first century “digital parties” could decline just as their predecessors did.
The Supreme Court Janus decision is a devastating defeat for labor. Public-sector unions now have two choices: continued decline, or a reversion to the kind of militant collective action of the movement’s early years.
A new book offers a flawed road map for rebuilding the Left.
The history of the 1970s New York City fiscal crisis shows how power under capitalism is ultimately located outside electoral politics — and must be defeated at its source.
No, socialism isn't just more government — it's about democratic ownership and control.
A case before the Supreme Court threatens to devastate public-sector unions. How did it come to this?
Only rank-and-file workers can build a better labor movement.
Labor-management partnerships will not revive the union movement.
Social impact bonds offer private interests yet another opportunity to enrich themselves at public expense.
The problems of our time will be solved by our collective capacity to change the world, not self-therapy.
Our impulse should not be to reject social democracy's legacy, but to build on and complete its promise.
Most dismiss social democracy as the fading echo of a bygone age — Lane Kenworthy disagrees.
The popular imagination gets Machiavelli all wrong — he was a patron saint of class struggle.
Fewer workers are in unions, but density in itself doesn't always translate into power.
Not quite feudalism, student debt is a peculiarly capitalist form of social control.